You Beautiful Bastard ©️

I hate Bozeman.

I hate it like you hate the street corner you bled on, like you hate the room where she said she never loved you, like you hate the silence that followed. I hate it because Bozeman holds the ghost of who I was when I broke—utterly, completely, and publicly. You don’t forget pain like that. You don’t forgive a skyline that watched you fall apart.

I remember heartbreak so vivid it twisted the seasons. Betrayal so sharp it slit the hours in half. I was younger, dumber, and I believed in people too much. And in Bozeman, those people let me bleed. I hate the way the wind still smells like her hair in winter, and how the mountains seem to echo my worst mistakes. I hate the way every café and alleyway is haunted with flashbacks I didn’t invite.

But.

Even in the rubble, I found something sacred.

Each disaster became a badge. Every failure, a kind of scarred-over victory. When people saw a man falling apart, I was really being carved out into something newer. I learned to laugh again—darkly, crookedly—but genuinely. I learned what it means to survive, not in the poetic sense, but in the “get up and keep breathing even when you don’t want to” sense.

And Bozeman—damn Bozeman—gave me back my brother. Somewhere in the mess, through smoke and frost and silence, we found each other again. Maybe we were both ruined, maybe we were both trying to pretend we weren’t. But something about that city pulled us into the same room at the same time and said, Talk. And we did.

So yeah, I hate Bozeman. But hate is too simple a word.

It’s a wound that grew teeth. It’s pain that taught me how to rebuild. It’s a love letter I’d never write, but I keep tucked in my coat pocket anyway.

Bozeman didn’t kill me. It crowned me.

The Socialist Guillotine ©️

New York City just voted for a bonfire.

With the election of Zohran Mamdani—a man whose platform reads like a Bolshevik fever dream—the greatest city in the world is poised to slit its own throat in broad daylight. This isn’t reform. It isn’t progress. It’s ideological suicide. And like all grand utopian delusions, it begins with a smiling man in a tailored suit promising free everything—while loading the chamber.

Mamdani’s blueprint is simple: punish producers, reward dependence, and drown the city in a flood of government control. He wants a $70 billion public housing push, free public transportation, universal childcare, free college, rent freezes, and state-run grocery stores. To fund it? He proposes extortion: 11.5% corporate taxes, a new city tax on millionaires, and a blank check mentality straight out of 1970s Havana.

Let’s be blunt. We’ve seen this before.

New York in the 1970s: Overregulated, overtaxed, and overrun. A city spiraling toward bankruptcy, saved only by a brutal austerity program and a federal loan that came with a leash. Violent crime exploded. The middle class fled to the suburbs. Graffiti blanketed every inch of public life. The spirit of the city rotted. And now we’re heading straight back.

Venezuela under Chávez: Another idealist who promised housing, food, and dignity for all—at the expense of free enterprise. What followed was hyperinflation, mass starvation, exodus, and the death of democracy. Mamdani speaks the same language: the seductive language of redistribution, central planning, and “justice” at the end of a policy gun. Venezuela once had the richest oil reserves in the world. New York has Wall Street. What happens when you drive out your golden goose?

The Mamdani agenda treats private success as a sin and public incompetence as salvation. He will smother small businesses under taxes and compliance. He will send landlords running to Florida. He will take the subway—the lifeblood of the working class—and turn it into a petri dish of “equity” projects that grind it into dysfunction. He’ll chase cops off the streets and replace them with clipboard-carrying volunteers who “dialogue” with gangbangers.

We are not heading toward a revival. We are headed toward a Sovietized city-state.

The worst part? This will not just hurt the rich. No—this will break the backbone of the poor. Public housing will become bureaucratic hellscapes, policed not by order but by dysfunction. State-run grocery stores? Try price ceilings, shortages, and rotting food. Free buses? Expect violence without enforcement, chaos without consequence. The people who suffer most under socialism are always the ones it pretends to protect.

This is not idealism. This is war against reality. A war against history. And history always wins.

If Mamdani wins in November and his policies go unchecked, New York will not become fairer or freer. It will become poorer, more violent, and unlivable. The city that once symbolized human potential will become a cautionary tale, a failed state in miniature—a Gotham not of heroes, but of hubris.

And when the crash comes—and it will—he’ll blame capitalism. Like they always do.